“Racism (White Supremacy) is the local and global power system and dynamic, structured and maintained by persons who classify themselves as white, whether consciously or subconsciously determined, which consists of patterns of perception, logic, symbol formation, thought, speech, action and emotional response, as conducted simultaneously in all areas of people activity (economics, education, entertainment, labour, law, politics, religion, sex and war), for the ultimate purpose of white genetic survival and to prevent white genetic annihilation on planet earth – a planet upon which the vast majority of people are classified as non-white (Black, Brown, Red and Yellow) by white skinned people, and all of the nonwhite people are genetically dominant (in terms of skin colouration) compared to the genetic recessive white skinned people”, Dr Frances Cress Welsing.
The system of Racism (White Supremacy) utilizes deceit and violence (inclusive of chemical warfare, biological warfare and psychological warfare), indeed any means necessary, to achieve its ultimate goal objective of white genetic survival and to prevent white genetic annihilation on planet Earth.
In the existing system of Racism (White Supremacy) when the term is undefined and poorly understood, there is general confusion and chaos on the part of the victims of that system (local, national and global). It then becomes impossible for the victims of Racism (White Supremacy) to effectively counter the global system of Racism (White Supremacy). The African enslavement, imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, fascism, etc are all dimensions and aspects of Racism (White Supremacy).
Globalisation is a sophisticated form of oppression spearheaded by the World Trade Organisation (WTO). The WTO came from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) which was established in 1947. Just like the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and the United Nations Organisation, was created after the Second World War by the same crowd of people. These institutions are instruments by which white supremacists and their lackeys pursue the “new world order” which is a dictatorial one-world government.
They use an intricate web of secret societies and private organizations to achieve their nefarious objectives. They are the Knights of Malta, Freemasons, Opus Dei, Propaganda Due, Skull and Bones, Trilateral Commission, Council on Foreign Relations and the Bilderberg Group just to mention a few.
The Bilderbergers meet every year prior to the G8 summit and the G8 heads of state take their cue from the Bilderbergers. Only two black people according to my knowledge attended the Bilderderberg Group meetings whom I referred to as lackeys of white supremacists. They are Vernon Jordan and Barak Obama. I suspect Colin Powell also attends. These are organizations that determine our destiny. President Jacob Zuma addressed the Council on Foreign Relations in October 2008 and his deputy Kgalema Motlanthe in March or April this year.
Race and class
Stuart Hall problematises the more crass-reductionist, economic determinist readings of Marx on the role and function of (racist) ideology. He demonstrates how such readings can lead to a simplistic subsumption of race to class (positing an unnecessary antimony), and privileging of class politics over more ‘race-conscious’ forms of popular mobilization and resistance.
At the economic level, it is clear that race must be given its distinctive and ‘relatively autonomous’ effectivity as a distinctive feature. This does not mean that the economic is sufficient to find an explanation of how these relations concretely function. One needs to know how different racial and ethnic groups were inserted historically, and the relations which have tended to erode and transform, or to preserve these distinctions through time not simply as residues and traces of previous modes, but as active structuring principles of the present organization of society.
In recognizing race and racism as a socially structuring and determining force in its own right, Hall’s theoretical formulation also highlights the important ideological role and function of the media and education systems in reproducing racist social structures and social relations.
The primary crisis in African life is the ‘cultural crisis’ i.e., a crisis in views and especially, values. This crisis is seen to manifest itself in our usually unconscious adoption of the western worldview and perspective and their attendant conceptual frameworks. It is within these Eurocentric frameworks, in particular in the spiritual alienation they engender – with their core values of materialism, objectification, individualism and competition – that Afrocentricity locates the origins of human and social problems.
The national question
The re-emergence of the national question reflects the profound impasse of capitalism on a world scale and the failure of the leaders of the workers’ organizations to offer a way out. There can no longer be any solution of the national question on a capitalist basis. Capitalism, rather than resolving the national question, has in its decline exacerbated the problem worldwide.
In the “new” South Africa the ruling party adopted the economic system of capitalism and also guaranteed whites that they will keep their ill-gotten wealth through The Property Clause, Section 25 of the country’s constitution. This constitution is a product of an imperialist-brokered negotiated settlement in which some members of the ANC held secret talks with representatives of the Apartheid regime. The dispossession of black South Africans continues unabated in post Apartheid South Africa consolidating farm ownership in fewer hands.
When the ANC came to power in 1994, the ‘priority’ of land redistribution was allocated 0.3 per cent of the national budget. In 2005, it was still less than 1 per cent ( Apartheid Did Not Die: Freedom Next Time by John Pilger). Land which is an indivisible collective property is the basis of all wealth. Under such circumstances, how do we expect to resolve the National Question?
It is clear that the fruits of “freedom” have not been distributed equitably among the African people in this country and other African countries. The reason is that the political elites who challenged colonialism successfully were also seen by the colonialists as the best guardians of capitalist interests: they were therefore cultivated and nurtured to play the unacceptable role of defenders or custodians of foreign interests. By doing so, the colonial powers actually aborted (paradoxically with the connivance of the new elites) the African revolution that had begun after the Second World War.
Secondly, Africans assumed control over institutions that had never been designed to serve majority interests. Indeed, the rules and procedures in the independence constitutions had been defined by the very interests relinquishing formal political control. Thus were the ascending African elites expected to repeat the processes they had seen in operation during their period of apprenticeship at the terminal stages of colonial rule. Modifications were introduced to suit the preferences of the succeeding African elites, but in the majority of cases independence constitutions were modeled on pre-independence ones. This expedient arrangement is precisely responsible for the contradictions inherent in the post-independence models of African leadership and government.
African leaders have encountered difficulties in maintaining a balance between the expectations of the former colonial powers on the one hand, and the African masses on the other.
There are people in this day and era who still ask if Black Consciousness and Pan Africanism are still relevant today. The mental de-colonisation of the educated elites and the masses has to run concurrently with formal de-colonisation. The disease of elitism has been correctly diagnosed which needs curative doses of political education and ideological reorientation to the entire population.
Finally, there is a desperate need to dismantle colonial institutions and structures in order to foster genuine political, economic, and social changes (Independence Without Freedom, A T Mugomba and Mougo Nyaggah).
By Sam Ditshego
(Presented to a seminar at the Alternative Information Development Centre (AIDC) in Cape Town on the 17 June 2011)